Thursday the Senate passed their “bailout” (“economic recovery”, whatever the fuck you want to call it); today the House did the same.  Though a massive campaign- in nearly every corner of the capitalist press as well as from nearly every politician the developed world over- is urging that “something has to be done” and that the “markets will crumble” without the “unprecedented” aid of the American taxpayers, the truth is a bit further away.  As for the entirely bat-shit idea that the U.S. economy, or at the least the financial sector, is being “socialized”, well, that’s kind of like jerking off in your bathroom and then telling all your friends you got layed last night.

A really great piece from George Monbiot at the UK Guardian says it very well and saves me the time of writing…

 

The Free Market Preachers Have Long Practiced State Welfare for the Rich

by George Monbiot
September 30, 2008
The Guardian

According to Senator Jim Bunning, the proposal to purchase $700bn of
dodgy debt by the US government was “financial socialism, it is
un-American”. The economics professor Nouriel Roubini called George
Bush, Henry Paulson and Ben Bernanke “a troika of Bolsheviks who turned
the USA into the United Socialist State Republic of America”. Bill
Perkins, the venture capitalist who took out an ad in the New York Times
attacking the plan, called it “trickle-down communism”.

They are wrong. Any subsidies eventually given to the monster banks of
Wall Street will be as American as apple pie and obesity. The sums
demanded may be unprecedented, but there is nothing new about the
principle: corporate welfare is a consistent feature of advanced
capitalism. Only one thing has changed: Congress has been forced to
confront its contradictions.

One of the best studies of corporate welfare in the US is published by
my old enemies at the Cato Institute. Its report, by Stephen Slivinski,
estimates that in 2006 the federal government spent $92bn subsidising
business. Much of it went to major corporations such as Boeing, IBM and
General Electric.

The biggest money crop — $21bn — is harvested by Big Farmer. Slivinski
shows that the richest 10% of subsidised farmers took 66% of the
payouts. Every few years, Congress or the administration promises to
stop this swindle, then hands even more state money to agribusiness. The
farm bill passed by Congress in May guarantees farmers a minimum of 90%
of the income they’ve received over the past two years, which happen to
be among the most profitable they’ve ever had. The middlemen do even
better, especially the companies spreading starvation by turning maize
into ethanol, which are guzzling billions of dollars’ worth of tax credits.

Slivinski shows how the federal government’s Advanced Technology
Program, which was supposed to support the development of technologies
that are “pre-competitive” or “high risk”, has instead been captured by
big businesses flogging proven products. Since 1991, companies such as
IBM, General Electric, Dow Chemical, Caterpillar, Ford, DuPont, General
Motors, Chevron and Monsanto have extracted hundreds of millions from
this programme. Big business is also underwritten by the Export-Import
Bank: in 2006, for example, Boeing alone received $4.5bn in loan guarantees.

The government runs something called the Foreign Military Financing
programme, which gives money to other countries to purchase weaponry
from US corporations. It doles out grants to airports for building
runways and to fishing companies to help them wipe out endangered stocks.

But the Cato Institute’s report has exposed only part of the corporate
welfare scandal. A new paper by the US Institute for Policy Studies
shows that, through a series of cunning tax and accounting loopholes,
the US spends $20bn a year subsidising executive pay. By disguising
their professional fees as capital gains rather than income, for
example, the managers of hedge funds and private equity companies pay
lower rates of tax than the people who clean their offices. A year ago,
the House of Representatives tried to close this loophole, but the bill
was blocked in the Senate after a lobbying campaign by some of the
richest men in America.

Another report, by a group called Good Jobs First, reveals that Wal-Mart
has received at least $1bn of public money. Over 90% of its distribution
centres and many of its retail outlets have been subsidised by county
and local governments. They give the chain free land, they pay for the
roads, water and sewerage required to make that land usable, and they
grant it property tax breaks and subsidies (called tax increment
financing) originally intended to regenerate depressed communities.
Sometimes state governments give the firm straight cash as well: in
Virginia, for example, Wal-Mart’s distribution centres receive handouts
from the Governor’s Opportunity Fund.

Corporate welfare is arguably the core business of some government
departments. Many of the Pentagon’s programmes deliver benefits only to
its contractors. Ballistic missile defence, for example, which has no
obvious strategic purpose and is unlikely ever to work, has already cost
the US between $120bn and $150bn. The US is unique among major donors in
insisting that the food it offers in aid is produced on its own soil,
rather than in the regions it is meant to be helping. USAid used to
boast on its website that “the principal beneficiary of America’s
foreign assistance programs has always been the United States. Close to
80% of the USAid’s contracts and grants go directly to American firms.”
There is not and has never been a free market in the US.

Why not? Because the congressmen and women now railing against financial
socialism depend for their re-election on the companies they subsidise.
The legal bribes paid by these businesses deliver two short-term
benefits for them. The first is that they prevent proper regulation,
allowing them to make spectacular profits and to generate disasters of
the kind Congress is now confronting. The second is that public money
that should be used to help the poorest is instead diverted into the
pockets of the rich.

A report published last week by the advocacy group Common Cause shows
how bankers and brokers stopped legislators banning unsustainable
lending. Over the past financial year, the big banks spent $49m on
lobbying and $7m in direct campaign contributions. Fannie Mae and
Freddie Mac spent $180m in lobbying and campaign finance over the past
eight years. Much of this was thrown at members of the House financial
services committee and the Senate banking committee.

Whenever congressmen tried to rein in the banks and mortgage lenders
they were blocked by the banks’ money. Dick Durbin’s 2005 amendment
seeking to stop predatory mortgage lending, for example, was defeated in
the Senate by 58 to 40. The former representative Jim Leach proposed
re-regulating Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. Their lobbyists, he recalls,
managed in “less than 48 hours to orchestrate both parties’ leadership”
to crush his amendments.

The money these firms spend buys the socialisation of financial risk.
The $700bn the government was looking for was just one of the public
costs of its repeated failure to regulate. Even now the lobbying power
of the banks has been making itself felt: on Saturday the Democrats
watered down their demand that the money earned by executives of
companies rescued by the government be capped. Campaign finance is the
best investment a corporation can make. You give a million dollars to
the right man and reap a billion dollars’ worth of state protection, tax
breaks and subsidies. When the same thing happens in Africa we call it
corruption.

European governments are no better. The free market economics they
proclaim are a con: they intervene repeatedly on behalf of the rich,
while leaving everyone else to fend for themselves. Just as in the US,
the bosses of farm companies, oil drillers, supermarkets and banks
capture the funds extracted by government from the pockets of people
much poorer than themselves. Taxpayers everywhere should be asking the
same question: why the hell should we be supporting them?

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